By Gilbert Rozman (eds.)
Updating the papers from the 2011 Asan convention to hide the tip of 2011, this booklet displays the kingdom of study at the eve of the $64000 2012-13 transition to China's fifth-generation leaders.
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This booklet questions even if the associations and practices of the rising ecu diplomatic process agree to confirmed criteria of the state-centric diplomatic order; or even if perform is paving the best way for leading edge, even progressive, varieties of diplomatic service provider.
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Xi is likely to move cautiously at ﬁrst, in part because he will want to establish his credentials as a leader tough enough to do the job and a suﬃciently strong defender of China’s interests, especially if (as noted above) some in the CCP leadership have not fully embraced the wisdom of returning to the moderate, reassuring foreign policy line identiﬁed with Dai Bingguo since late 2010. Key Substantive Challenges Second, beyond reestablishing China’s grand strategic orientation, the new leaders will face an array of substantive foreign policy challenges.
In the CCP’s view, the 6 Overholt described one ominous scenario. The recently expanded role for state-owned enterprises and the attendant reduction in bank financing available to more dynamic smaller and more independent businesses could put China on a trajectory that Japan followed after 1975, one in which hard-toovercome stagnation gradually replaces seemingly unstoppable dynamic growth. 46 China’s Foreign Policy Soviet Union unexpectedly unraveled when its last Communist Party leader lost control over a reform process that in part had been responding to long-standing political criticisms from the West.
Many analysts outside China, and some within China, see the CCP’s interpretation of the record of recent political change in other authoritarian regimes as misguided—either because the CCP overstates the role of foreign inﬂuence or because it has drawn the wrong lesson about responding to internal pressures for change that a more secure and successful CCP regime can address proactively. 7 For the ruling CCP, of course, a narrow self-interest in preserving its grip on power reinforces an analysis based on claims about the disruptive consequences of political change.
China’s Foreign Policy: Who Makes It, and How Is It Made? by Gilbert Rozman (eds.)